Essay 12

Historied Trees


One of the inescapable characteristics of...trees is to be rooted in the ground: they are monuments.

—Roland Bechmann, Trees and Man: the Forest in the Middle Ages (1984), trans. Katharyn Dunham (1990) (292)

Trees are living, growing, renewing, and majestic. As part of our global awareness of the environment, trees in the urban forest play a very significant role…. The Commemorative Tree Program, administered by the Parks and Recreation Department, allows you to participate in a very special way…. A commemorative tree may be purchased in memory of a loved one, to celebrate a marriage or birth, to honour a retiree, as a gift for a graduating student, or for any special occasion…and become a living tribute and remembrance
of a person or event.

—City of London Parks and Recreation Department, Commemorative Tree Program (1993)

In The Backwoods of Canada (1836), Catharine Parr Traill expresses her "disappointment in the forest trees" near Peterborough. "[H]aving pictured…giants almost primeval with the country itself," she found "no appearance of venerable antiquity in the Canadian woods. There are no ancient spreading oaks that might be called the patriarchs of the forest…. They are uprooted by…storm[s], and sink in their first maturity, to give place to a new generation that is ready to fill their places" (96). These dismayed comments about the absence of old trees in what is now central Ontario resonate with Traill’s view that the young province of Upper Canada—for so, of course, it seemed to most European emigrants—lacked "supernatural" inhabitants and "historical associations" (128). Just as there were no fairies, ghosts, classical deities, and "legendary tales" in Upper Canada, no poetic stories in the books of Upper Canadian history and nature, there were "no ancient spreading oaks" to conjure up fantasies of Druidic rituals or even village smithies. "‘[H]ere all is new—the very soil seems newly formed,’" complains a friend of Traill’s; "‘there is no hoary ancient grandeur in these woods; no recollections of former deeds connected with the country.’"

While both Traill and her friend—perhaps her alter ego—view trees anthropomorphically, crediting them with some of the physical and the psychological characteristics of humans, what they lament in remarking the absence of "ancient" trees and "hoary grandeur" in the Upper Canadian forests is a quality—longevity— that sets trees apart from human beings. "A tree does not have a predetermined life-span like that of mankind," observes Oliver Rackham, who adds that "[a]n age of at least 400 years is quite often reached by oaks" and "[a] few giants go back much further" (24, 27). Precisely because they are transgenerational, long-lived trees such as the oak, the beech, and the yew can provide a living link with the past, particularly when they are associated with specific historical events and personages. In the Preface to his Hamilton; and Other Poems and Lectures (1871), W.A. Stephens records that in the eighteen forties John Strachan had once contemplated writing a poem centred on "an immense elm tree growing on the commons, near Toronto." His intention had been "to personify this tree, and make it describe what it had seen of change during its long lifetime. First, to tell of the Indians—their history, manners and customs; next, the arrival and settlement of the French, and what they accomplished; and lastly, to tell of the conquest of the country by the English— their settlement, enterprise, and progress" (4). Some forty years later, in Studies of Plant Life in Canada (1885), Traill mused along similar lines about an elm tree outside the Orphan’s Home in Toronto: "[w]hat tales could that mute witness tell of toil and privation, among the hardy adventurous few that cleared the forest land on which this now solitary giant of the lonely wilderness stands. What strife, political and physical, had it beheld. Beneath its leafy canopy the Red man reared his wigwam,…the early missionary from far off France held up the cross and preached the word…" (183).1

In his Remarks on Forest Scenery (1791), the British landscape aesthetician William Gilpin provides a lengthy "catalogue of celebrated trees"—"trees…as have…history, and anecdote annexed to them"—from the plane tree under which Xerxes reputedly sat "while the Greeks were taking measures to seize the pass at Thermopylae" to the "Cadenham oak" in England’s New Forest, a tree of "no great age" that was renowned for budding "every year in the depth of winter" (1:120-70). Although he refers in passing to the enormous "trees which Captain Cook found in the Western parts of California" (1: 120), Gilpin assumes that ancient trees are more common in "cultivated countries" like England: "[i]n the forests of America, and other scenes, where boundless woods have filled the plains from the beginning of time, and where they grow so close, and cover the ground with so impervious a shade, that even a weed can scarce rise beneath them, the single tree is lost. Unless it stand on the outskirts of the wood, it is circumscribed; and has not room to expand it’s [sic] vast limbs…. When we wish therefore to find the most sublime sylvan character—the oak, the elm, or the ash in perfection, we must not look for it in close, thick woods, but standing single, independent of all connections" (1: 119). It is scarcely surprising that Isaac Weld thought of Gilpin after observing that on the borders of the "open plains" in northern New York trees have "ample room to spread" and, hence, exhibit "all the grandeur and variety which characterizes…English timber, particularly the oak" (2: 313). In Upper Canada, as in northern New York, the ubiquity and denseness of the forests precluded the growth of the sort of trees to which rituals and legends were attached in Britain and Europe. As Gilpin says, "[f]aeries, elves and…[medieval] people, universally chose the most ancient and venerable trees they could find, to gambol under: and the poet, who should describe them dancing under a saplin[g], would show little acquaintance with his subject" (1: 146).

It is consistent with Gilpin’s remarks that one of the first trees in English Canada to acquire historical associations was an old hawthorn, a North American member of a species "used by the ancient Greeks at wedding ceremonies" and "in England…consecrated to the pastoral muse and to all lovers of rural life" (Flagg 145). After commenting on the esteem and affection accorded to Sir Isaac Brock in Upper Canada, John Howison observed in 1821 that the "General…was killed close to the road that leads through Queenston Village, and an aged thorn bush2 now marks the place where he fell, when the fatal ball entered his vitals" (76). "This spot may be called classic ground," Howison continues, "for a view of it must awaken in the minds of all those who duly appreciate the greatness of [Brock’s] character, and are acquainted with the nature of his resources and exertions, feelings as warm and enthusiastic as the contemplation of monuments consecrated by antiquity can ever do" (76). Having thus established the associations and precedents of the "aged thorn bush" near Queenston Heights, Howison proceeds to describe the impressions that he has gleaned when sitting under the tree at night "when every light in the village was extinguished":

[t]hen the fire-flies, twinkling among the recesses of the distant forests, would be the only objects that exhibited an appearance of life to the eye; while the Niagara river rolled its sublime tide silently along, and drank, in quiescent luxuriance, the floods of light that were poured upon its bosom by a glorious moon. On one side, the setting stars were struggling with the mists that rose from Lake Ontario; and on the other, clouds of spray, evolved from the mighty cataract, ascended majestically to heaven,—sometimes shaping themselves into vast pyramids that resembled snow-capt mountains, and sometimes extending their volumes into phantom-like forms, which imagination might figure to be the presiding genii of the water-fall.                     

This is little less than a comprehensive catalogue of Upper Canadian icons (fire-flies, the forest, Lake Ontario, the Niagara River and Falls), and its effect is to make Brock’s "aged thorn bush" the centre of a rich cluster of appealing and affective sights and scenes. Astutely recognizing that the War of 1812 was a crucial "era in the history of Upper Canada," Howison places the hawthorn tree associated with its beloved "Hero" (77, 76) at the physical and emotional heart of Upper Canadian experience. Indeed, he helped to create what might be called—borrowing a term from Mikhail Bakhtin—a local "chronotope,"3 a setting rich in natural and historical associations that subsequent writers could employ, modify, and elaborate according to their own circumstances and purposes.4

In Canada, as, no doubt, elsewhere, historied trees such as Brock’s hawthorn have exercised their appeal primarily on people of a conservative and patriotic disposition. One such was Charles Mair, an associate of the Canada First movement whose closet drama Tecumseh (1886) was written in the aftermath of the Riel Rebellion to "urge by means of literature…a recognition of Canada’s heroic past and of her potentiality for a magnificent future" (Shrive xvii; and see Essay 4: Savages and Relics: the Commemoration of Native Peoples in the Nineteenth Century). The fourth act of the drama finds Captain Robinson standing on "[t]he bank of the Detroit River, near the…mansion" built in 1794 by James Baby, the scion of a "family…renowned for its loyalty to the crown since the conquest" (Mair, Tecumseh 89, 265; Clarke 21). Since the Baby mansion was pillaged by Americans in July 1813, there is some dramatic irony to Robinson’s hope that neither "speculation…nor progress" will sully the "silvan homes" of "old Sandwich" (Windsor) and to his conviction that "in the distant days, / The strong and generous youths of Canada" will make "pilgrimages" to the mansion to "drink…of the past, / And, drinking loyally, enlarge the faith / Which love of country breeds in noble minds" (89-90). In so far as Robinson speaks for the playwright, it is evident that Mair valued the persistence of artefacts from the past into the future not merely for their "beaut[y]" (89), but also for their power to enhance feelings of loyalty and patriotism, to strengthen the bonds between individuals and their country. When imbibed with the proper attitude, Mair’s "drinking" metaphor implies, the precipitates of the past will nurture the soul as well as the body.

The corollary to this is that the body and the soul will cease to grow if deprived of the nurturing spirit of the past. Between his optimistic prognostications about historical continuity and its enhancing effects, Robinson beholds the consequence of being cut off from the past in some historied trees on the Detroit River:

                                             …those giant pears
Loom with uplifted and high-ancient heads,
Like forest trees! A hundred years ago,
They, like their owner, had their roots in France—
In fruitful Normandy—but here refuse,
Unlike, to multiply, as if their spirits
Grieved in their alien home.

In a note to these lines, Mair writes that by the late nineteenth century, "[t]he remarkable old French pear trees, once plentiful along the Detroit River, are now rapidly decaying. The annual rings of one blown down two years ago [in 1884] were found to number one hundred and seventy, so that it must have been planted by the French colonists who founded the settlement of Detroit under de la Mothe Cadillac, in 1701. They are of immense size, and are prodigious bearers; but, strange to say, cannot be propagated, and before many years will become extinct" (265). That the Baby mansion rather than the "giant pears" provides the focus for Robinson’s soliloquy stems from the fact that, though "remarkable" historically, the trees do not evoke a tradition of loyalty to Canada and Britain but, on the contrary, associate themselves with the French régime and with France itself. Indeed, it is their nostalgia for France that, in Mair’s patriotic mind, lies behind their failure to propagate and their imminent extinction. To be fruitful and multiply, people, like trees, must give their affection to the land in which they find themselves.5

Probably the most celebrated and chronotopic tree in pre- and post-Confederation Canada was the oak under which Thomas Moore was supposed to have written "Ballad Stanzas" (the "Woodpecker poem") after arriving in Upper Canada from the United States in July 1804. As briefly discussed in Essay 2: Tokens of Being There: Land Deeds and Demarkations, the composition of "Ballad Stanzas" was initially associated by local "tradition" with a "small tree" of unspecified species on the north shore of Lake Ontario between Kingston and Toronto (Galt, Bogle Corbet 3: 4) but later attached to a mythopoeically appropriate oak tree6 on the historically resonant road between Niagara and Queenston. "Objects of this kind give an indescribable charm to the landscape," comments the protagonist of John Galt’s Bogle Corbet (1831) after being shown the "small tree" on the north shore of Lake Ontario, "and especially in America, where the scenery as yet cannot furnish many such talismans to command the genii of memory and fancy" (3: 4).7 Not surprisingly, it is in Annals of Niagara (1897) by the pro-British, anti-American, and ultra-conservative William Kirby that the association of Moore with an oak tree near Queenston Heights is most eloquently stated: "[t]here stood in those days and until recent years a majestic spreading oak tree about two miles from the town on the Queenston road…. Moore, with a poet’s eye for rural beauty, loved to sit and muse under this tree, which acquired the name of ‘Moore’s Oak.’ It was here that he wrote the beautiful ballad, which is one of his most innocent and charming productions…. Moore’s visit was long remembered at Niagara. The late Thomas D’Arcy McGee, a year or two before his assassination [in 1868]…, visited Niagara…, and made a pilgrimage to ‘Moore’s Oak’ while he was here" (128-29). Instead of Galt’s "small tree" and local tradition, Kirby has a "majestic spreading oak tree" like those associated with Chaucer and "Hern the hunter" (Gilpin 1: 134-35,  145-47) and a national tradition that encompasses a martyr to Republican barbarity. What Kirby says of Moore’s "A Canadian Boat Song" in Annals of Niagara probably applied almost as well to his "Oak" in the post-Confederation period: it had "become almost national among us [Canadians]" (128).

Nor is "Moore’s Oak" the only "majestic…tree" celebrated in Annals of Niagara. Looking back to the early eighteenth century as did Mair à propos the "old French pear trees," Kirby envisages "[t]he country on the Canadian side" of the Niagara River as "a dense, almost impenetrable, wilderness of forest and swamp…heavily timbered with oak" and other species of trees. Elsewhere in Annals of Niagara, Kirby regards the three principal varieties of oak found in Ontario—"white, black, and red"—as analogous to the three main racial groups in the Province (268), but here he focuses on two individual trees, both with Loyalist associations: "[o]ne giant oak stood until a few years ago on the farm of Mr. Peter Servos, Jr. [the descendant of a U.E.L.]…. Another stood on the summit of the old burying place of Butler’s Rangers, near Niagara town, a grand imposing relic of our primeval woods. This tree was ruthlessly cut down a few years ago for firewood, and its fall smashed a number of the old historical gravestones of the Butlers and others" (35). To Kirby, the felling of the Butler oak was doubly heinous because it not only destroyed a living link with the Loyalist past but in doing so damaged several memorials to individual Loyalists. Kirby was a conservative rather than a conservationist, but his distress at the destruction for firewood of a "grand" and historied tree reveals the affinity between the two philosophies.

Unexpectedly, perhaps, an ecological aspect of old trees provides the basis for a chain of literary influence that runs from Weld’s Travels to Moore’s "Ballad Stanzas" and, thence, to Adam Kidd’s The Huron Chief (1830), a long poem that, as part of its sympathetic treatment of the Native peoples (see Essay 4: Savages and Relics: the Commemoration of Native Peoples in the Nineteenth Century) seeks to honour the symbolic practice of certain Indian cultures by using a tree as a "metaphor" for "peace" (427n.).8 When Weld writes of the woods of northern New York that "the most solemn silence reigned…, except where a woodpecker was heard now and then tapping with its bill against a hollow tree" (3: 320), his observation depends on the fact that trees whose interior has been partly or wholly rotted away provide a habitat or food source for a variety of creatures such as ants, owls, squirrels, and woodpeckers. It was apparently a combination of natural observation and Weld’s Travels that produced the most famous lines in "Ballad Stanzas":

It was noon, and on the flowers that languish’d around
    In silence repos’d the voluptuous bee;
Every leaf was at rest, and I heard not a sound
    But the woodpecker tapping the hollow beech-tree.
                                            (Poetical Works [1915] 124)

Since Kidd dedicated The Huron Chief, and Other Poems to Moore, the likelihood is this stanza lies in the background of the opening lines of his title poem, which find the narrator "On Huron’s banks, one summer-day":

I wandered undisturbed and free,
     Nor heard a sound, save wood-doves cooing,
Or birds that tapped the hollow tree,
     Where owlets sat, their play-mates wooing….

The note of foreboding in these lines is soon amplified when, as he passes a "grove of pine," the narrator hears a Huron woman singing a dirge for her lover, a Chief who "Died bravely defending the Indian’s shore" from "the white man" (68, 65). But it is not until the destruction of an Indian village and the surrounding forest by treacherous Americans that the hollow tree fully emerges as a "metaphor" for "peace" betrayed and destroyed:

      …from the hollow, blasted pine,
     Where heaven’s light’ning played along,
And wild grapes close their tendrels twine,
     Comes forth the screech-owl’s boding song.

When the Huron Chief himself is killed in the final American betrayal that these lines forebode, his grave is envisaged "By ERIE’s darkling groves of pine, / Where gently now the wild grape creeps" and "future bards" are enjoined to commemorate the "spot" in "songs of grief" (1651-66). Almost needless to say, Kidd’s literary obscurity has ensured that he was no more successful in inspiring a sequel to The Huron Chief than he was in imbuing the pine and the wild grape with what Traill’s friend calls "recollections of former deeds." If the groves and vines of Ontario sometimes trigger memories of the "unfeeling" and "dishonourable" "conduct of America towards the Indian tribes" (1589n., 1623n.), the credit can rarely be assigned to The Huron Chief. Yet it is not entirely inconceivable that if Kidd had possessed a modicum of Moore’s talent and reputation, these associations would have entered Ontario’s collective memory and, like "Ballad Stanzas" altered peoples’ perceptions of the flora and fauna of the Province. Even a "Kidd’s Pine" might have been possible.

There is one Canadian poet, however, whose name was, and, in some minds, still is, ineluctably associated with a particular species of tree. That poet is, of course, the author of "The Grave-Tree" (1898), the opening stanza of which has been committed to memory by countless Canadians:

Let me have a scarlet maple
For the grave-tree at my head,
With the quiet sun behind it,
In the years when I am dead.
                          (Poems 209)

Bliss Carman died on June 8, 1929, but his wish was not granted until May 13, 1954, when A.G. Bailey and others planted a scarlet maple beside the poet’s grave in Forest Hill Cemetery outside Fredericton, New Brunswick. Seven years earlier, Bailey had been instrumental in persuading the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada to erect a plaque on the campus of the University of New Brunswick commemorating Carman and two other Fredericton poets: Charles G.D. Roberts and Francis Sherman. Himself both a poet and an historian, Bailey is probably best-known for The Conflict of European and Algonkian Cultures, 1504-1700 (1937), a pioneering work in the field of Canadian cultural studies. Of his collection of essays, Culture and Nationality (1972), F.W. Watt has written: "Bailey is a Canadian Nationalist…[who] has chosen to demonstrate his love of country by developing an intimate and profound understanding of Canadian experience from the beginnings to the present" (qtd. in Bailey, "Literary Memories" 23). Clearly, Bailey’s work in commemorating Canada’s early poets is a facet of his cultural nationalism—his proud and scholarly commitment to placing on view his country’s historical and literary heritage. To Peter Bell in Wordsworth’s poem, a "yellow primrose" is just a primrose and "nothing more" (2: 341). To Bailey and others like him who seek to understand and foster the links between Canada’s social and physical landscapes past and present, a scarlet maple will always be more than merely a scarlet maple.

But the kind of thinking that lies behind Carman’s "grave- tree"—both the poem and the memorial (and, indeed, behind Wordsworth’s condemnation of Peter Bell)—did not coincide with the Modernist agenda that dictated the direction of Canadian literature after the nineteen twenties. Guided by the theorists of Anglo-American Modernism, writers such as A.J.M. Smith, F.R. Scott, and Sinclair Ross strove to distance themselves from the past and from nature, and poured scorn on the attempts of Carman and others like him to discern human characteristics, spiritual significance, and historical resonances in natural objects. "The poets of today," wrote Smith in The Book of Canadian Poetry (1943), are "inheritors of what I.A. Richards has called the ‘neutralisation of nature,’…[and] can no longer find [their subject matter] in the beauty of nature—a beauty that seems either deceptive or irrelevant" (On Poetry and Poets 40-41). "To paint the native maple" (F.R. Scott, Collected Poems 248) was sentimental and ludicrous; to depict a jackpine or to describe "Cedar and jagged fir" was more acceptable because less conventionally emotive (Smith, Poems 42, 50).9 In "Birches at Drummond Point," Smith interrogates the possibility that a vernal wood on Lake Memphremagog in southern Quebec has a message for the spectator:

Leaning over the lake
slim white birches
curved by the south-west wind
offer a silent rebuke
                    or seem to

When the sun glints
on their leaves
              dark green or light green
they seem to be flashing
a message

When a breeze
                               makes them rustle
I listen:

What do they say?
                            or seem to?
                                        (Poems 48)

Answer comes there none because, as the twice-repeated "seem" suggests, the notion that natural objects have something to say is merely an attractive delusion. In Carman’s "My Teachers" (1923), birches are exemplars of beauty (Poems 66); in Sherman’s "In Memorabilia Mortis" (1896) they are associated with the immortality of art (88); in "Birches at Drummond Point" they are birches and "nothing more."

Smith’s view of trees as neutral and meaningless must be differentiated not merely from the subjective and aesthetic approaches of Carman, Sherman, and other pre-Modern Canadian writers, but also from the perception of trees to be found in Isabella Valancy Crawford’s Malcolm’s Katie (1884) and other poems about the settlement of Canada. When Max Gordon fells his first tree in the second part of Crawford’s poem, he does so as part of a process of destruction and construction in which wood(s) served first as a formidable barrier to settlement and then, in the form of fences and houses, as a major constituent of settlement. By aligning Max’s felling of the tree with Hercules’ slaying of the Nemean Lion and then having him liken its "vast, prone trunk" to a "toppl’d" despot (2: 163, 159), Crawford makes the act a metaphor for the process of creating an agricultural and egalitarian society in North America.10 In thus recognizing the crucial function of wood(s) for settlers, Crawford was anticipated and probably influenced by Alexander McLachlan, whose chapter on "Cutting the First Tree" in The Emigrant (1861) is in turn indebted to Galt’s two pioneer novels, Lawrie Todd (1830) and Bogle Corbet (1831). (As a matter of fact, Galt himself "cut the first tree, where Guelph [Ontario] now stands on the 23rd of April, 1827" [Report of Tenant Farmers 119].) "’Twas a kind of sacrament; / Like to laying the foundation, / Of a city or a nation," says McLachlan’s narrator of the felling of a "sturdy elm" to initiate the settlement described in The Emigrant (4: 33-36, 29). During and after the ritual, McLachlan’s pioneers offer various visions of the human condition, each connected in one way or another with wood: the first, delivered from a "rotten log," is a version of fatalism; the second, expounded from the "stump" of the felled tree, is a hymn to the work ethic; and the third, derived by way of Bogle Corbet from Aesop’s fable of "The Bundle of Sticks," is a utopian vision of what might be achieved in Canada through collective effort (4: 41-224). McLachlan’s recognition of the physical and metaphysical importance of wood is also reflected in the ensuing chapter, where the cadences of Moore’s "Ballad Stanzas" are borrowed to describe the architectural equivalent of a "Bundle of Sticks": a "little log cabin…far in the woods" beside the shores of Lake Ontario (5: 1-36). Far from being neutral objects, the mindfully felled trees of Malcolm’s Katie, The Emigrant, and Galt’s novels are the subject of a complex ceremony of razing and raising that heralds the creation of a new society. It is in their absence that, paradoxically, they most resemble Smith’s silent birches. In Canadian society as in Canadian literature, at Guelph or on Lake Memphremagog, the phoenix of the new has risen from the ashes of the past.

Of course, the felling of trees, even ancient and historied ones, was seldom undertaken by Canadian settlers and their descendants with the sense of ceremony or "sacrament" described by Galt, McLachlan, Crawford, and others. Echoing Weld’s comments on the "unconquerable aversion to trees" among American settlers, Anna Jameson observed in 1838 that "[a] Canadian settler hates a tree, regards it as his natural enemy, as something to be destroyed, eradicated, annihilated by any means" (64). And, perhaps remembering Traill, she adds: "[t]he idea of the useful or ornamental is seldom associated here even with the most magnificent timber trees, such as among the Druids had been consecrated, and among the Greeks would have sheltered oracles and votive temples. The beautiful faith which assigned to every tree of the forest its guardian nymph, to every leafy grove its tutelary divinity, would find no votaries here. Alas! for the Dryads and Hamadryads of Canada!"11 Wilson Flagg could be addressing twentieth-century Canadians as well as nineteenth-century Americans when he writes in The Woods and By-Ways of New England (1872) that an affection for "the historic remnants of a past century" is rare in "the active classes of [North] American society, who are so eager to increase their wealth by new enterprises, that every change is delightful to them if it preceded a commercial venture" (197). After remarking that "[a] wood which we have always frequented may be the only object in our village that wears an ancient look, except the rocks and hills," Flagg writes of seeing "men in raptures over the demolition of some of the most charming scenes of their boyhood, on beholding them laid out into house-lots, and advertised for sale. They are so deeply interested in advancing the price of ‘real estate,’ that they do not think of the regret with which, at some future day, they may witness the desolation that has followed." To this it need only be added that, to exploit the pastoral longings of their clientele, real-estate developers frequently contrive to have their sprawling subdivisions named after the natural features they have replaced: Oakridge Park, Stoneybrook Meadows, Warbler Woods, Deerfield Estates…

An eloquent argument for the aesthetic and moderating value of trees in urban settings is provided by Joseph Howe in an Address "[d]elivered before the Young Men’s Christian Association [in] Ottawa [on] February 27, 1872" (317). Forty years earlier, in Acadia (written in 1832-1835), Howe had championed the co-existence of "Art and Nature" (813) in Nova Scotia, and as a member of the Nova Scotia Horticultural Society he had been instrumental in establishing the Halifax Public Gardens (1866). In his 1872 Address to the Ottawa Y.M.C.A., he relates the current Canadian attitude to trees to that of the Americans and that of the pioneer period:

In almost all our northern cities we are far behind our Republican neighbours in arbori-culture. For the first fifty years, in the settlement of a new country, trees are regarded as man’s natural enemies. They shelter the savage and they cumber the land, and, as in the "forest primeval" they protect each other, and grow spindling and tall, they are of little use when the groves are broken, and are rarely preserved. To cut them down and burn them up seems a labor of love. The old States and Provinces passed through this iconoclastic period a century in advance of us. They commenced to replant trees about the time when we seriously began to cut them down, and, now, nearly all their cities and towns are planted. "A thing of beauty is a joy forever," and what more beautiful than a fine shade-tree?… How prettily are all the towns and villages around Boston shaded. What debts of gratitude do the people…owe to the liberality and forethought of the wise old men who embellished their streets, disarmed the winter winds, and…endowed, with a luxuriance of umbrageous beauty, the retreat of erudition and the busy marts of trade.12
                                                                                     (Poems and Essays 329-30)

"Ottawa must be planted" with trees, urges Howe, for "Colonel By, who laid it out, evidently meant that it should be. The streets are straight and wide. There is room enough everywhere for trees, and for an abounding commerce and a busy population…. [W]hen the Dominion Government has enclosed and ornamented the public grounds, as it must do without delay, the city will…begin to wear the aspect which strangers expect to see when they come to visit the Capital of a great Confederacy" (330). To make his point, Howe refers to some trees in "the shire town of the county" (Hants) that he represented in the first dominion parliament: "[a]n old gentleman, three parts of a century ago, planted three or four elms on the front street of Windsor…. They have shaded and embellished [the town] for fifty years, and I never pass under them without blessing the old man’s memory" (329). Trees need not be associated with famous men (or women) to engender the pleasures of memory.

In the fall of 1980, in the area of downtown London, Ontario known as Woodfield, a young mother and artist named Skye McDonald discovered that the Public Utilities Commission was planning to remove an "old maple" from the lot across the street from her house. The owner of the lot had complained that the tree was abutting on his driveway and making it difficult to park his second car. "Spare the Axe! Lady Opposes P.U.C. Tree Attack" read the headline of an article in the November 27, 1980 issue of "London’s Weekly Community Newspaper," The Tribune, which quoted Ms. McDonald as saying "[i]f I don’t fight for them who will save those trees for my children to enjoy?" And fight, she did. On January 22, 1981, The Tribune ran an article entitled "Skye Triumphant: They’re Listening to Her" which reported her success in gaining the ear of the P.U.C. and many Londoners. "[T]he whole issue is bigger than one tree," she had told The Tribune reporter; the P.U.C. is "indiscriminately slaughtering London’s heritage…. Because of the publicity a lot of people who feel the same way about the Forest City have called and offered their support." In the same issue of the newspaper, a London tree surgeon named R.B. Finch expressed sympathy for Ms. McDonald’s campaign, but noted that it is more expensive to maintain old maples than to cut them down. He also "pointed to the widespread vandalism of young saplings planted by the city" as evidence that many "young people have been taught little regard for the beauty and heritage" of London. On January 29, 1981, the headline in The Tribune read "Regina Street Maple Falls." "That tree didn’t have to come down," said Skye McDonald; "[n]ow look at the mess." "True enough," wrote the reporter, "there [is] a gap in the landscape near the corner of Regina and Colborne that look[s] a little like a front tooth missing."

A more recent and better-known campaign to save a maple tree was mounted by residents of the Leslieville area of Toronto in the winter of 1992. Under threat at that time by the plan of "a social housing developer…to build a five-story, 102 unit building" nearby was the silver maple that supposedly inspired "The Maple Leaf Forever" (Reid 1). According to local tradition, one day in the fall of 1867, Alexander Muir (who was then the principal of the Leslieville Public School) was "strolling along the pathway that is now Laing Street" (Reid 6) when "a maple leaf floated down and clung persistently to his sleeve. He tried to brush it off, then jokingly remarked ‘the maple leaf for ever.’ He then wrote the poem which he fitted to his own music" (Colombo, Canadian Quotations 439).13 "‘The leaf that fell on Alexander Muir’s coat…is that same leaf that Canadians wear around the world,’" asserted Don Conley, who lives across the street from the threatened maple and led the campaign to preserve it; "‘[t]he tree remains the last living link with our Confederation as a nation’" (qtd. in Reid 6). Despite doubts about its age (maples normally live for only "‘80 or 90 years’" [Richard Stromberg, qtd. in Reid 6]) and the anecdotal nature of the legend attached to it, the silver maple and adjacent house at 62, Laing Street in Toronto have become a shrine for English-Canadian patriots. Plaques were placed on the site in 1937 and 1958 (the second by the Grand Orange Lodge of British America), and in 1981 both the tree and Maple Cottage were listed as heritage properties because of "‘the long-standing neighbourhood tradition that the tree inspired Muir.’" "‘Several generations know the story,’" continued Richard Stromberg of Toronto’s Historical Preservations Division in January 1992, "but it’s not something we’re ever going to be able to prove by…standard historical methods’"(qtd. in Reid 6).

More amenable to "standard historical methods" is the demise of "The Maple Leaf For Ever" as a national song. Scottish by birth and "[p]roud of his British background, Muir showed an intense loyalty to the flag and to the empire" (J. Paul Green 745) that is abundantly evident in the opening stanza and refrain of his poem:

In days of yore, from Britain’s shore,
    Wolfe, the dauntless hero, came,
And planted firm Britannia’s flag
    On Canada’s fair domain.

Here may it wave, our boast and pride,
    And, joined in love together
The Thistle, Shamrock, Rose entwine
    The Maple Leaf forever!

The Maple Leaf, our emblem dear,
    The Maple Leaf for ever.
God save our Queen, and Heaven bless
    The Maple Leaf for ever
                           (qtd. in Colombo 439)

Attempts have been made to "tone down" the militarism of its opening lines ("In days of yore the hero, Wolfe, / Britain’s glory did maintain") and to include the fleur-de-lis in its botanical refrain ("With lily, thistle, shamrock, rose, / The Maple leaf forever"), but Muir’s "pro-British poem has never been acceptable to French Canadians" (Colombo, Canadian Quotations 439). With the rise of both Quebec and Canadian nationalism in the ’sixties and the growing recognition at the same time of Canada’s regional and ethnic pluralism,14 it became less and less acceptable to an increasing number of Canadians. "Its use," as J. Paul Green observers, "had diminished dramatically long before 1980, when ‘O Canada’ by Calixa Lavallée and Adolphe-Basile Routhier, was approved as the official national anthem" (746).

As the campaigns of Skye McDonald, Don Conley, and others attest, historied trees have once again become a focus of concerned attention in Canada. Perhaps in reaction to the relentless narrowing of consciousness to the present that characterizes the "now" age of the media (McLuhan 335), numbers of Canadians have found in the old trees of their neighbourhoods and yards a means of establishing contact with both the natural world and the communal past. In the foreword to Tranter’s Tree (1987), the Nova-Scotian novelist and short-story writer H.R. Percy records that the inspiration for his fictional exploration of the interaction between memory, imagination, and "the real" came from an actual tree in Granville Ferry in the Annapolis Valley: "[i]t stands in the village where I live, and one morning as I passed under it with my dog on the way to the post office it dropped an acorn at my feet. The message could not have been clearer. I stood for a long time looking down at this green skullcapped pod of possibilities, the earnest of this novel…growing up into my mind from it just as the great oak that overtowered me had exploded from just such another several lifetimes ago" ([ix]). In the mind of the novel’s narrator, Mr. J, Tranter’s "great oak" becomes "[a] miracle of a tree…its growth a thing of Homeric grandeur, its antiquity defying imagination…. Many a time has[ied] to encompass in his mind the magnificence of the tree’s spread and the full sweep of its history" (20). For the imaginative Mr. J, the tree serves as a conduit to both history and the natural world: "trying for a glimpse" of the "rollicking devil-may-care" Ned Tranter who supposedly planted it "two hundred some-odd years" ago, he playfully envisages him "indulging the impossible dream of a certain Stephanie Tillard as he prods the virgin earth with the point of his dirk and drops in...’the apocryphal acorn’" (12, 20); allowing his "long memory" (1) full scope, Mr. J vividly describes the tree’s growth:

The acorn, in due season...sending up its puny two-leaved stem to the sun. The stem, escaping the attention of winter-browsing moose, putting forth its first fragile limbs. And then the rings within its trunk spreading outward like ripples from a flung pebble’s fall; but slowly, so slowly that only God had time to wait around and watch. Until now its noon shadow spans a hundred feet or more, and he can imagine its roots snaking and spreading out under the earth, under the road, under the houses, another tree upside down.

This is superb writing, not least because of the subtlety with which it evokes Ygdrasil, the huge tree of Norse Mythology whose roots and branches bind together the lower, middle, and upper worlds.

Much recent Canadian poetry has concerned itself more with texts and theories than with the natural world and the communal past, but there have been exceptions. "[T]hese bent rusted nails embedded in / the pear tree’s trunk: these broken cleats speak / of a processional of school-children / barking their shins while skinning the pear tree / shimmying up into its leafy hideaway," writes Roy Kiyooka in one of his Pear Tree Pomes (1987), and in another: "an appall’d lover bends his / ear to the pear tree’s trunk to hear a lost rhetorick" (7, 29). Although not entirely free of the fashionable concern with the gap between words and things that has eviscerated much Canadian writing in the media age, Kiyooka’s poetic meditation or utanniki (Munton 96-98) on a pear tree "as old as the oldest house on / the block" (7) frequently descends from the depleted skies of language theory to generate sympathetic connections between its pained author, the "old pear tree," and the sympathetic reader:

these words cling to each fragile blossom fruit bug and worm
the old pear tree exudes. if you listen closely you’ll hear a
creaking branch with ‘me’ clinging to it without a ping of remorse

The use of scare quotes around "me" (and, earlier, "real") in Kiyooka’s opening meditation forebodes further Lindberghian departures, but more promising is the suggestion of words adhering to things and the intimation of communication between fellow human beings. Greatly assisted in these directions by the deliquescent illustrations of David Bolduc, the Pear Tree Pomes sequence approaches Michel Serres’ vision of a "natural contract" embraced by both "the idealists of language and the realists of things themselves," a peaceful reconciliation which includes "long-term memory, millenary traditions, [and] experiences accumulated by cultures that have just died, or that the…powers [of short-term thinking] are killing off" (21, 4). At several points in his poetic meditation, Kiyooka recognizes the longevity that has always made certain trees a living link between the past, the present, and the future. A jauntily apprehensive poem near the end of the meditation makes a fitting envoi for the present essay:

who knows if i’ll be around
when they come to chop my pear tree down
to build another condominium

magpie! magpie!
swayin’ on a high silverbranch!
will you caw me—

if you catch a glimpse of the axe-
man comin’ down our alley
cause i’ve got a petition signed by
all the neighbourhood children
who haven’t had a chance to skin their knees
let alone laugh and sneeze
up inside its thatched corridors
and there’s a young couple
i know who want to build their first nest
in its forkt-branches

magpie! magpie!
will you be my unpaid informer?
my unimpeachable i?

P.S.: the primary epigraph to Pear Tree Pomes comes from Gaston Bachelard: "a tree becomes a nest the moment a great dreamer hides in it" (5).

P.P.S.: a poem by another great dreamer, Isabella Valancy Crawford:


                                      The City Tree

I stand within the stony, arid town,
    I gaze for ever on the narrow street;
I hear for ever passing up and down,
    The ceaseless tramp of feet.

I know no brotherhood with far-lock’d woods,
    Where branches bourgeon from a kindred sap;
Where o’er moss’d roots, in cool, green solitudes,
    Small silver brooklets lap.

No em’rald vines creep wistfully to me,
    And lay their tender fingers on my bark;
High may I toss my boughs, yet never see
    Dawn’s first most glorious spark.

When to and fro my branches wave and sway,
    Answ’ring the feeble wind that faintly calls,
They kiss no kindred boughs but touch alway
    The stones of climbing walls.

My heart is never pierc’d with song of bird;
    My leaves know nothing of that glad unrest,
Which makes a flutter in the still woods heard,
    When wild birds build a nest.

There never glance the eyes of violets up,
    Blue into the deep splendour of my green:
Nor falls the sunlight to the primrose cup,
    My quivering leaves between.

Not mine, not mine to turn from soft delight
    Of wood-bine breathings, honey sweet, and warm;
With kin embattl’d rear my glorious height
    To greet the coming storm!

Not mine to watch across the free, broad plains
    The whirl of stormy cohorts sweeping fast;
The level, silver lances of great rains,
    Blown onward by the blast.

Not mine the clamouring tempest to defy,
    Tossing the proud crest of my dusky leaves:
Defender of small flowers that trembling lie
    Against my barky greaves.

Not mine to watch the wild swan drift above,
    Balanced on wings that could not choose between
The wooing sky, blue as the eye of love,
    And my own tender green.

And yet my branches spread, a kingly sight,
    In the close prison of the drooping air:
When sun-vex’d noons are at their fiery height,
    My shade is broad, and there

Come city toilers, who their hour of ease
    Weave out to precious seconds as they lie
Pillow’d on horny hands, to hear the breeze
    Through my great branches die.

I see no flowers, but as the children race
    With noise and clamour through the dusty street,
I see the bud of many an angel face—
    I hear their merry feet.

No violets look up, but shy and grave,
    The children pause and lift their crystal eyes
To where my emerald branches call and wave—
    As to the mystic skies.

And three counts of arboreal vandalism:


1. From Basil Hall, Travels in North America (1829):

    On the 7th of July, by way of relief from the absorbing interest of [Niagara] Falls, we accepted an invitation to a country house in the neighbourhood, within hearing, but not in sight of, the object which had occupied our thoughts for the last week.
    Our host, some years before, with the prophetic eye of taste, as it has been elegantly called, had selected a certain spot in the midst of the wilderness, which he conceived, from the nature of the ground, the description of the trees which grew upon it, and the extent of the view which it commanded, might be converted, with little trouble, from its wild state into a beautiful park,—such as must have cost, in the ordinary process of old countries, at least one century, if not two, to bring it to any thing like the maturity which he found on the spot, almost ready to his hand.
    The soil appeared to be peculiarly favourable to forest trees, since it was covered, but not too thickly, with venerable oaks, which, from having had room to spread their arms—a rare occurence in that country—had grown to a great size. His idea was to remove those trees which encumbered the ground, near the spot selected as the site of his house, or interfered with his view of Lake Ontario, and the distant high grounds of Upper Canada.
    To work he went; cleared out a space of ground for the house, smoothed his lawn, completed his garden, laid down his gravel walks—regulating every thing with reference to the magnificent grove in front of the house, the principal feature in his foreground, which required nothing but some partial thinnings amongst the oaks. Of course care was taken to mark, in a particular manner, all those sacred trees, the growth probably of many ages, which were on no account to be touched; while those intended for the axe were blazed, as it is called, in the usual manner.
    On a particular day appropriated to these thinning operations, the proprietor was called away by urgent business; but before leaving the ground, he gave orders for the condemned trees to be removed in his absence. The workmen, however, who, from their infancy, had known nothing about trees, except that they ought to be cut down as fast as possible, decided, in their wisdom, that it must surely be the blazed trees which were meant to be preserved. The first thing, accordingly, that struck the master’s eye on his return, was the whole of his noble grove lying flat on the ground, while only a dozen or two of scraggy oaks, pines, and hemlocks, destined for the fire, were left standing to tell the tale!
                                                                                                               (1: 109-10)

2. From Cornelia Baines, "Requiem for a Venerable Oak," The Globe and Mail, September 17, 1996:

    Let me tell you about one tree I loved well, a large oak that must have begun its life at least three or four centuries ago. It was just northwest of the Ontario parliament buildings in what is know as Queen’s Park…. That oak was a powerful presence. It exuded strength and vigour. Its trunk was massive—a size rarely seen in Ontario. Its branches spread gloriously and framed the sky. Most mornings [as I walked to work] I would stop and mentally inhale its character. In all seasons I would exult in it. I would imagine what stood around it when it first started. I wondered what changes it would see in the decades after I died. I was always surprised that other pedestrians could walk past oblivious to it….

•      •      •

   In December, 1994, when my mother was dying in a Toronto hospital, we marked new Year’s Eve with a visit to the oak tree. At midnight in the dark and silent park, four of us circled the tree, paid our respects to its being, remembered my mother and her joyous participation in our lives, then walked back home.
    In September, 1996, there is a gaping emptiness in Queen’s Park. The oak tree has been cut down. The reason: a branch had fallen. I do not want to see it. I will not walk that way again.
    There are countries where ancient trees are propped up with supports, where diseased branches are removed so that the heart of the tree may live. In our society, destruction is too easily accomplished— trees, institutions, buildings and social programs. In Canada, we need people who recognize that the true mark of a successful life is what you protect, what you care for and what you build. Not what you destroy. Such people must make themselves heard.

3. From Miro Certenig, "Revered Haida Tree Destroyed by Vandal," "Experts Hope Grafts Can Perpetuate Tree," "Haida Receive Support from Scientists," and "Islanders Save Symbol of Local Mythology," The Globe and Mail, January 25, 27, and 29 and April 24, 1997.

    The tree know as the Golden Spruce, a natural landmark revered by Indians and popular with tourists, has been cut down in the middle of the night.
    On the Queen Charlottle Islands, where the 50-metre tree attracted visitors, the illegal chain-sawing of the evergreen has been greeted with anger and sadness. A rarity because its needles had a golden hue, the 300-year-old tree was also a powerful mythological symbol for generations of the islands’ Haida Indians.

•      •     •

    Hope is mounting that scientists will be able to recreate the West Coast’s most famous tree after it was cut down last week on the Queen Charlottle Islands.
    Forestry experts are planning to graft branches from the Golden Spruce onto other trees to preserve its genetic code, and Haida Indians are searching for other ways to save the tree….

•      •      •

    The odds of creating a new generation of the Golden Spruce are good, said Paul Aird, a professor of forestry at the University of Toronto…. "It is done all the time with success," he said. "But it must be done while the branches are still alive."
    Stan Holmes, a spokesman for MacMillan Bloedel, agreed that the chance of successful grafts is very good. And he said that if the Haida agree, the company would be willing to try regenerating the Golden Spruce at the original site.

•      •      •

    If those efforts fail, the story may still have a happy ending.
    The University of British Columbia has revealed it carried out a similar grafting procedure in 1978 and actually generated two seedlings of the Golden Spruce that are now growing in its botanical garden. It has offered the Haida Indians one or both of the two-metre-high offshoots to replant beside the mother tree….

•      •      •

    The Haida are also planning their own effort to graft shoots of the tree onto the roots of the chainsawed stump.

•      •      •

    The Haida have decided the trunk of the Golden Spruce will be turned into a monument. Although they initially doubted they could carve the tree, since they traditionally use cedar, they now believe they may be able to turn it into a totem pole that may be placed on the original site.

•      •      •

    Thanks to the advice of Paul Aird…Guujaww [a Haida elder] said, one of the grafts to the stump appears to have been successful. Other grafts to ordinary spruce trees are doing well.

•      •      •

    "I’ve never seen attention like this on a tree," said Scott Alexander, a spokesman for MacMillan Bloedel, which has been logging the [Queen Charlotte] Islands for decades. "It‘s really been extraordinary."

•      •      •

    …[T]he Golden Spruce seems to have become a reminder of the precarious state of the rain forest. All around the island chain, clearcuts have devastated much of the wilderness. Tourists who fly over them are shocked by the number of trees that have been cut down. The Golden Spruce was supposed to have been spared that fate.
    …[M]any residents of the Queen Charlottes were astounded by the national and international attention the felling of the Golden Spruce received. "It was a sad thing," said [Ian] London [a reporter with the Queen Charlotte Islands Observer], "But big, beautiful trees are being cut down here all the time and nobody says much of anything. I’m not sure why."

And, finally, another hopeful story—perhaps even a parable—from an article by Jane Armstrong in the June 1, 1998 issue of the The Globe and Mail:

The Toronto tree said to have inspired…The Maple Leaf Forever is sick and dying, so Heritage Toronto and city staff have stepped in to ensure that the aging silver maple will live on in spirit at least in its offsring.
    Parks officials have gathered seeds from the tree on Laing Street, near Queen and Leslie, and nurtured them into saplings at a city-run nursery near Old Fort York.
    When the end nears for the ailing tree and it must be cut down, city officials will have an array of young trees to plant in its place.
    The idea to carry on the legacy of the famed tree came from city arborist Richard Ubbens, who took his plan to the Toronto Historical Board, which drew attention to the tree by urging Toronto City Council to give it a historical designation.
    That designation makes it harder for developers to demolish—or, in this case, cut down—a structure deemed to have historical importance.
    When the tree fell ill a few years ago, special care was taken to ensure that the young tree that will someday grow in its place is the true offspring of its famous parent.
    Mr. Ubbens said city crew first considered gathering maple seeds from the foot of the Laing Street tree. But there was an outside chance that those seeds might have blown in from another tree. So a city nursery technician climbed a ladder and picked the seeds from the tree itself to ensure the genetic purity of the future saplings.
    The seeds were planted about four years ago, and the saplings now stand about two metres tall, Mr. Ubbens said.
    In the meantime, the Laing Street tree has continued to succumb to old age. Mr. Ubbens said its most recent afflictions include split branches and a fungus. Sooner or later, it will be cut down.
    When that happens, Mr. Ubbens hopes to plant one of the young saplings in its place, perhaps with a cermony. "It’s a way of continuing the story," he said.




  1. That Traill begins and Strachan ends with the settlers is a rhetorical reflection of the primacy accorded to British settlement by both writers and by the progressive and theological assumptions to which they both subscribed: admirable as they may be in certain respects, Native (pagan) and French Canadian (Roman Catholic) culture are destined in the Divine scheme of things to be supplanted by British (Protestant) civilization. [back]

  2. Howison is probably alluding to Thomas Gray’s "Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard" (1751): "‘Approach and read (for thou can’st read) the lay, / ‘Graved on the stone beneath yon aged thorn’" (115-16). [back]

  3. "Literally, ‘time-space.’ A unit of analysis for studying texts according to the ratio and nature of the temporal and spatial categories represented. The distinctiveness of the concept…lies in the fact that neither category is privileged; they are utterly interdependent. The chronotope is an optic for reading texts as x-rays of the forces at work in the culture system from which they spring" ("Glossary," Bakhtin, Dialogue Imagination 425-27). [back]

  4. See Patricia Jasen’s Wild Things: Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario, 1790-1914 (1995) for the emergence of the spot where Brock fell as a tourist site and the "aged thorn bush" as "both marker and relic"—"a treasured though perishable remnant of the past with its own aura of authenticity" (38-39; and see also 162 n. 28). Howision was preceded to the site of Brock’s death by John Goldie, who notes in his 1819 Diary of a Journey through Upper Canada that the spot "is marked by a number of thorn bushes, which form a kind of circle," adding that "[t]hey were not however planted on that account, but have grown here long before" (21). In A Subaltern’s Furlough (1833), E.T. Coke has "the spot where [Brock] fell…near three poplar trees," and provides a detailed description of the battle and "miserable-looking" village of Queenston (2:44); and in his Pictorial Guide to the Falls of Niagara (1842), John W. Orr has Brock "standing by a cherry tree" when he was killed, and proceeds to give detailed histories of the Brock monument, Niagara Falls, and various other tourist sights (183-96). [back]

  5. See also Francis George Heath, Tree Gossip (1885) 128: "[l]arge [pear] trees are rare…. Yet [t]here are some remarkable instances…. A Pear Tree in the little village of Garmouth, N.B., over a hundred years old, is forty feet high, and forty-two feet in the spread of its branches…. Its huge branches had to be supported by means of planks running along the tops of eleven immense wooden pillars. In one year it is said to have produced 28,600 pears." [back]

  6. From at least the late eighteenth century onwards, "oaks were claimed to be venerable, patriarchal, stately, guardian and quintessentially English" (Stephen Daniells 48). In The Emigrant’s Informant (1834), "A Canadian Settler" writes that "[t]he visit to [Peterborough] by Captain Basil Hall, in July, 1827, will long be remembered by the settlers…. The noble Oak on the domain of Pat. Walsh, which arrested the attention and admiration of the Captain, is held in the highest veneration, and will continue to stand as a memorial" (149). [back]

  7. In an entry in his journal on July 9, 1830, Moore records that he "met Galt the writer, who told me that he had brought away with him a bit of my tree. I asked ‘what tree?’ ‘Why that you used to sit under’ he answered ‘at Ontario, when you were there’—It appears that they point out some tree with this recollection attached to it, and that travellers are in the habit of taking away bits of it—" (Journal 3: 1312). Louise Murray gives a combination of "natural decay" and the depredations of "relic-lovers" as the reason for the disappearance by 1882 of "every vestige of the old tree" that inspired "Ballad Stanzas" (1: 373). [back]

  8. Kidd is quoting Cadwallader Colden’s History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada (1747) by way of James Buchanan’s Sketches of the History, Manners and Customs of the North American Indians (1825); see The Huron Chief  74 and 81-82. [back]

  9. See also Johnathan Bordo’s "Jack Pine—Wilderness Sublime or the Erasure of the Aboriginal Presence from the Landscape" (1992-93) on the motif of the solitary tree in paintings by the Group of Seven. [back]

  10. See also Supplement 2: The Pioneer Picturesque and the Settler Sublime in essay 2: Tokens of Being There: Land Deeds and Demarkations, and Edward Allen Talbot, Five Years Residence in the Canadas (1824) on the settlers of Upper Canada: "[i]n the uninterrupted enjoyment of liberty, and the enlivening anticipation of independence, these happy lords of the forest spend their lives in toilsome pursuits without a murmur. Every tree that falls by the force of their axe is, in reality, the removal of another obstacle to their increasing prosperity; and never fails to occasion a delightful reflection, which softens toil and sweetens labour" (1: 155-56). [back]

  11. See also Suzanne Zeller‘s Inventing Canada: Early Victorian Science and the Idea of a Transcontinental Nation (1987) for Lieutenant John Henry Lefroy’s observation while en route to Toronto in 1842 that the "stumps, logfences, corduroy roads, and framed houses, [put him] in some danger of acquiring the antipathy to trees which every settler seems to possess" (126). [back]

  12. Howe’s quotations are from the opening lines of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s Evangeline (1847) and John Keats’s Endymion (1818). It is possible but unlikely that, in referring to American "arbori-culture," Howe had in mind the contemporaneous proposal of J. Sterling Morton, a member of the Nebraska Board of Agriculture, that a day be set aside for the planting of trees. First observed in Nebraska on April 10, 1872, Arbor Day was made a school holiday in the United States in the eighteen eighties and thereafter spread to other countries, including Canada, where Arbor Week is now celebrated, usually in late April and early May, at numerous localities in various provinces. [back]

  13. The maple leaf was not fully authorized as a Canadian emblem until the proclamation of the present national Canadian flag in 1965, but it began to be fixed in the national consciousness at the time of Confederation with "The Maple Leaf Forever" and the inclusion of "[m]aple leaves in [the] coats of arms granted (1868) to Ontario and Québec" (Lacoursière). During the colonial period, the maple tree itself gradually emerged as an appropriate emblem for Canada, as witness the curiously patriotic and apocalyptic final stanza of Susanna Moodie’s "The Maple-Tree. A Canadian Song" (1852):

    Hurrah! for the sturdy maple-tree!
        Long may its green branch wave;
    In native strength sublime and free,
        Meet emblem for the brave.
           May the nation’s peace
           With its growth increase,
    And its worth be widely spread;
           For it lifts not in vain
           To the sun and rain
    Its tall, majestic head.
           May it grace our soil,

            And reward our toil,
    Till the nation’s heart is dead.
                                               ([1997] 491)

    To Moodie, the maple tree is not just transgenerational but transracial: as "The maple-tree" "blythe and free...tosses to sun and air / Its thousand arms," "The Indian leans on its rugged trunk... And mourns that his race...has sunk / From the glorious forest land... But soon not a trace / Of the red man’s race / Shall be found in the landscape fair" ([1997] 383). [back]

  14. In A Short Sad Book (1977), George Bowering provides a British Columbian perspective on Canada’s national and regional icons: "[t]he maple leaf forever. We used to sing that song & it was just like the barns & silos just like Jerry’s father at the office, things I had never seen…. What did a maple leaf look like…. If they were serious about making us grow up & become Canadians they should have sent us a maple leaf" (60-61). The beaver, Evangeline, General Wolfe, and Charles G.D. Roberts are among the other "Canadian" icons that Bowering playfully interrogates in A Short Sad Book. A recent competition on C.B.C. Toronto’s Metro Morning radio programme for new lyrics for "The Maple Leaf Forever" was won by Vladimir Radian, a "Romanian émigré" who regards the original lyrics as ‘"shocking for our time’" because "‘they celebrate the victory of the English over the French’" (qtd. in Renzetti). In Radian’s version, the opening lines of the song read: "O land of blue unending skies, / Mountains strong and sparkling snow, /A scent of freedom in the wind / O’er the emerald field below" and  "Sur mers sauvages ou glaciers dur, / Tant d’héros se sont suivis / En conquéront la peur, le froid / Et les tempêtes de leurs vies" (qtd. in Renzetti). As several correspondents in The Globe and Mail were quick to point out, Radian’s "sanitized" lyrics describe an "unspecified country of ‘blue unending skies’ and ‘emerald fields,’ but markedly lacking in history" (Rodger). They also court bathos with their "scent of freedom in the wind" and their conception of heroes conquering "la peur, le froid / Et les tempêtes de leurs vies." Thus are hopeful parables undercut. [back]